EUWhen recalling his first meeting with Yoko Ono, John Lennon often remarked that the avant-garde artist’s exhibition he received a sneak preview of contained a tiny message at the top of a stepladder that could only be viewed with a magnifying glass. The message read simply ‘Yes’, something that sold Yoko to Lennon because he claimed it was the first positive statement he’d seen at an art show in years. Had that message read ‘No’, pop cultural history could possibly have been quite different. In a very roundabout way, this seems to me one of the problems the Leave campaigners have had in the Referendum wars that have resumed following a moment’s pause for Jo Cox.

No, Out or Leave as Brexit buzzwords can’t help but come across as negatives, the linguistic equivalents of the pub bore bemoaning everything new or innovative, forever giving the thumbs down and dragging the drinkers down with him. True, one could also attach positive attributes to No, Out or Leave; they could represent the teenager preparing to fly the family nest, stand on his own two feet and take control of his own destiny despite a smothering mother wanting him to stay; but the overall feeling I’m getting from the message of Brexit is not one that inspires positivity.

A great deal of the pro-Leave propaganda, certainly online, appears to emanate from very angry people, some of whom are old enough to have voted No in 1975, and who have had a bee in their bonnet about Europe ever since the vote went against them 41 years ago. By comparison, the most passionate advocates of Remain within social media outlets would appear to be mostly those who weren’t even a twinkle in the milkman’s son’s eye at the time of the EEC Referendum, and they don’t exhibit quite the same frothing-at-the-mouth fanaticism emanating from the most vociferous of the Brexit brigade.

I once heard it said that Britain was more or less offered governance of the embryonic Common Market in the 1950s, but spurned the opportunity to sit at the head of the European table because it was still too attached to the remnants of the Empire and was more concerned with gracefully bowing out of its colonial commitments than focusing its attention closer to home. That may or may not be true – and I would imagine French historians would probably dispute it; but it does perhaps reflect the half-hearted nature of our relationship with our Continental cousins. Not belonging to the Eurozone and not adopting the Euro is something that underlines a consistency running throughout our 44-year European adventure. We have always had one foot in and one foot out. But it’s possible this has been to our overall advantage since 1972.

Nigel Farage’s determination in constantly reducing the debate to the solitary subject of immigration, and proudly standing beside that dubious poster, has only reinforced his one-trick pony reputation and seems to have put the brakes on the progress of the Brexit horse that was racing ahead of Remain this time last week. With big business and big names on the Remain side lining-up to sing the praises of EU membership, Leave has been painted as the true voice of ‘the little people’, the choice of the brave and the bold outsider; but if Leave is presented as the ‘radical’ option, this could well prove to be its undoing, as the British are by nature a conservative people who are more likely to stick with the status quo than venture into the unknown.

Yes, we have a proud record of radicals and rebels throughout our history, but these tend to be isolated individuals rather than representative of the masses. A maverick such as Farage is in many respects a liability to the Leave campaign; but so skilled is he at generating headlines that it’s been hard for the less incendiary members of the Brexit persuasion to overshadow his rapacious capacity for publicity. Farage is the first pupil in the class that the new teacher gets to know the name of because he’s incapable of shutting up.

Initially, it was the Remain camp that appeared to be alienating public opinion with their pathetic insistence on horror stories, something that had relented a little until Gideon’s own-goal last week; but whether or not the tasteless threat of an emergency austerity budget will do for them what Farage’s billboard could do for the opposition remains to be seen – for the next couple of days, anyway. Farage’s accusation that Remain have exploited the death of Jo Cox for political gain may have a grain of truth to it, but evoking her name so soon after re-boarding a campaign express momentarily derailed by her shocking murder might prove to be another mistimed comment in a campaign that has had its fair share of them on both sides.

Tonight we have the grand finale of what has been a largely ineffective series of TV debates, and one that promises to be the most ludicrously showbizzy of the lot, staged at Wembley Arena. I envisage a cross between a rock concert and a Billy Graham rally and I doubt a single viewer still undecided will probably be persuaded either way. As things stand, just 48 hours from polling day, I’ve a distinct feeling the public are slowly edging away from Brexit. But don’t quote me on that. I’m not a betting man.

© The Editor

4 thoughts on “NUL POINTS

  1. It is profoundly regrettable that both camps in the referendum debate have simply focused on the ‘negatives’ of the other, especially when it needn’t have been like that. Despite being a committed Leaver, I could easily compose a wholly positive message about the potential benefits of staying in the EU, because there are many and they deserve to be fully aired. Likewise, I could submit an entirely positive agenda for Brexit, because that is about so much more than immigration. Excess immigration is but a symptom of a wider problem, not the problem itself. But both camps know what ticks boxes with their voters, so that’s where they have stuck the campaigns, rightly or wrongly, because that’s how elections are won.
    The vilification of Farage is unfair – if for nothing else, he deserves full credit for the fact that the referendum is happening because, without his high-profile and articulate denunciation of the EU for the past 20 years, leading directly to Cameron’s reckless election promise, it would never have happened. No major party here wanted it and the Brussels mafia certainly didn’t.
    Brexiteers will take heart from the election of Five Star (anti-EU) candidates as Mayors in both Rome and Turin at the weekend, remembering that Italy was one of the founder members of the EEC, suggesting that the depth of general public EU doubt is very well established, even in such ‘loyal’ nations, so in Britain it could/should be more so.
    Even if this week’s vote is to Remain, it will not be the end of the matter, but it will still signal the end of the EU in its current format, which is what most of the Brexiteers wanted anyway, so that just becomes a win in injury time.

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  2. I read what you wrote with interest, but disagree with your conclusions.
    I listen to proven liars trying to convince me it’s better to Remain and afterwards I realise I have one thing in common with them.
    For all their rhetoric they have but one vote, the same as me.

    I’m big enough and ugly enough to be able to make up my own mind. I listened to all their arguments , their Project Fear, Zombie Apocalypse, Project Guilt and Project Desperation and finally the PM standing on the steps of Number 10 and pleading My mind is made up. They are wasting their breath.


    1. The ‘proven liars’ accusation goes with the territory, they’re politicians, it’s what they do, all of them, the trick is not to get caught doing it too often and too obviously.
      But the key difference with the EU referendum is that they are each trying to project their own view of the future, not the past. So it’s all speculation, whatever they say – it’s not lies, yet, and if any of them turn out to be wrong, they won’t have been lying if it was their own honestly-held view of the future.

      When Cameron says he believes the economy will tank after Brexit, he may actually deep-down believe that, so he’s not lying – it doesn’t mean it will happen and it doesn’t mean he was lying if it doesn’t happen. Similarly, when Boris says he believes we’ll get a brilliant free-trade deal, he may be telling the truth, he may honestly believe that – whether his projection proves true, no-one can yet tell, but he’s not lying if that’s what he really believes.

      The past 10 years should have taught us all that speculation on future international issues, whether financial or political, is a fool’s errand – they’ll all be wrong to some degree.
      The voters’ real challenge tomorrow is to pick the one who’ll be less wrong and, therefore you hope, less damaging to Britain’s long-term interests. Good luck with that.

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