One of the unavoidable side-effects of re-watching ‘The Thick of It’ (as I currently am) is the reinforcement of one’s instinctive cynicism towards politicians and politics in general; as funny as the series undoubtedly is – arguably one of the funniest ever made – one cannot help but suspect satire in this case is merely a smokescreen to disguise the fact we’re actually watching a documentary. I was reminded of the cynicism it generates this week with the canny timing of the spat between the Dutch and the Turks, coming on the eve of the General Election in the Netherlands.

Initially, it appeared the whole saga was a disastrous diplomatic faux-pas guaranteed to boost the prospects of far-right nationalist candidate Geert Wilders, vindicating his opinions of Muslim immigrants in Holland; now, however, with the polls having closed, it would seem the real beneficiary is the incumbent Dutch PM Mark Rutte. By standing up to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Rutte earned praise from all sides across the Dutch political spectrum and received an electoral thumbs-up as a consequence. Coincidence?

Erdogan’s idiocy in this particular clash was perhaps something Mark Rutte knew would work in his favour; all he needed was a little winding-up. To label the citizens of a former Nazi-occupied country as ‘Nazis’ themselves was hardly going to go down well; yet this is from a man whose ruthless suppression of his opponents at home following last year’s suspiciously convenient coup attempt has tightened his dictatorial grip to the point whereby the Nazi comparisons are far more applicable to his own regime. He also stirred the shit even further by accusing Dutch troops of carrying out the notorious Srebrenica Massacre in 1995. Although Bosnian Serb forces were responsible for that atrocity, the presence of Dutch UN peacekeepers and their failure to prevent the massacre means the issue remains raw in the Netherlands.

Mark Rutte’s decision to prevent two Turkish Ministers from addressing pro-Erdogan rallies in Holland kick-started the current unpleasantness between the two countries, leading to riots in Rotterdam at the weekend that seemed to play directly into the hands of Geert Wilders, who referred to the rioters with characteristic linguistic eloquence as ‘scum’. That these events should take place in a city that was all-but obliterated by German forces during the brutal conquest of Holland in 1940 seemed to rub salt into the Dutch wounds reopened by Erdogan’s war of words.

The rallies were cancelled under the guise of being a threat to public order, but no doubt the Dutch PM had an inkling what the response from the more strident pro-Erdogan Turks in Holland would be; his swift and decisive action in curbing the Rotterdam riots certainly portrayed him as a strong leader in the eyes of the electorate, which naturally did him no end of favours days away from the country going to the polls. Is it too cynical to view the whole nasty business as a carefully-coordinated incident requiring the kind of leadership that was destined to guarantee an upsurge of votes if carried out correctly?

An estimated 400,000 Turks live in the Netherlands and the rallies in question were intended to show support for a scheduled Turkish referendum designed to extend Erdogan’s powers even further; but what struck me as unusual about events in Rotterdam was that most ex-pats from a country with a regime as repressive as that of Erdogan often contain various dissidents and opponents of it, as happened for years in Florida, with first anti-Batista Cubans and then anti-Castro ones.

Yet with the Turkish President intent on tampering with the defiantly secular constitution of the modern nation founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1922, he has a large hardcore following of Muslim immigrants of a Radical bent in numerous European nations who are hardly going to oppose his plans to introduce a stricter Islamic form of governance in a country on the bridge between Europe and Asia. These have been the targets of Geert Wilders and his Freedom Party throughout the election campaign, but the opportunistic hitching of a ride on the ‘populist’ bandwagon by the man with the mad mane appears to have backfired re his Prime Ministerial ambitions.

The Dutch General Election was the first of a trio taking place in Central Europe this year, with Germany and France still to follow. With the rise of the Right on the continent receiving extensive coverage, it was seen as a tester of the post-Brexit climate; but Wilders’ failure to usurp the centre-right WD Party of a PM now looking forward to a third term at the helm – despite the Freedom Party becoming the second-biggest party in the Dutch Parliament – has been seen by some as putting the brakes on what Wilders himself has called ‘a patriotic spring’.

With the largest turnout in 30 years, it would appear fears of the far-right prompted voters to head for their local polling stations in unusually high numbers; Mark Rutte has indicated he will not work with Wilders’ party when it comes to forming the inevitable coalition government, but it’s doubtful Wilders will ‘do a Hillary Clinton’ in the wake of Rutte’s success; although he may spend his waking hours under virtual armed guard for his own safety, courting publicity is a speciality and he will most certainly remain a visible and contentious presence on the European political scene.

Had the spat with Turkey been a purely spontaneous outburst, it should have been precisely the kind of boost Geert Wilders was looking for to hammer home his message; that his centre-right rival benefitted from it does make one wonder just how accidental it was, let alone the timing of it. Then again, maybe I’ve been spending too much time in the company of Malcolm Tucker to judge events in the Netherlands with a sufficiently un-cynical eye.

© The Editor

6 thoughts on “DUTCH COURAGE

  1. If ‘The Thick of It’ was a Blair era documentary, then it owes much to ‘Yes, Minister’ from earlier times – both appearing so uncannily accurate that many should have been squirming as they watched, although their general lack of morals and awareness of irony probably saved them that discomfort.
    The timely Turkish Delight which proved so coincidentally helpful for Mr Rutte will have been noted in both Paris and Berlin – of course, we shall be surprised when versions of similar ‘events’ occur in the days before both their respective polls . . . . . not.
    Politics is a dirty game, one where the prizes usually go to the dirtiest – the current exposure of the Tory Party’s creative accounting of ‘national’ election expenses is just another facet of this process, all dedicated to engineering the voters towards not voting for what they really believe. Democracy eh ?

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  2. Another observation is how the mainstream media are portraying the Dutch election result – you could be forgiven for thinking it was a landslide win for Rutte. In fact, Rutte lost some seats, whilst Wilders gained some – in any objective analysis that would be considered a win for Wilders and a loss for Rutte. Spooky.
    Good job we’ve got an objective media . . . not.

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    1. Makes one wonder if the media’s excessive coverage of Wilders at the expense of the other candidates – not dissimilar to the amount of exposure Le Pen has received outside France – was deliberately engineered in order to document the spectacular ‘failure’ of him to become PM, which was pretty unlikely all along. Sir Humphrey and Malcolm Tucker would be proud!


  3. Prior to voting taking place, it looked to me like the whole thing had been staged to benefit Rutte. As for France, there are three significant differences: firstly, there is no incumbent who could benefit from a ‘Rutte Effect’ (as Hollande is not seeking re-election); secondly, we don’t yet know who Le Pen’s main adversary will be, should a similar opportunity come along; thirdly and IMHO most importantly, the more that the Anglophone media – especially alt-right gobshites like Paul Joseph Watson – talk up Le Pen, the *less* likely she is to be elected, as French *cultural* protectionism has long been defined against the English-speaking world.


    1. I often feel some politicians belong to a family the size of The Waltons, whereby they have talk louder than their siblings in order to be heard. Farage, Wilders and Le Pen seem to belong to such a family. There are probably plenty people in this country who don’t pay attention that are unaware UKIP only have one MP – and it’s not Nigel.


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