In some respects, the story of Henry Kissinger – whose death at the grand old age of 100 was announced today – embodies all that is both good and bad about the American century. The Bavarian-born Jew who fled Nazi Germany at the eleventh hour (1938) arrived in New York as a 15-year-old refugee, yet within 30 years he’d risen all the way to National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Nixon – a classic example of the American Dream in action. Indeed, at the point when Tricky Dicky was distracted by problems of his own making, it could be argued Kissinger was the most powerful man in the country; Nixon certainly resented Kissinger’s popularity and reputation, yet both he and his successor Gerald Ford depended heavily on Kissinger’s advice and intellect, particularly when it came to America’s role in international affairs. Kissinger played a key role in America’s rapprochement with China, establishing a crucial advantage at the height of the Cold War when relations between China and the Soviet Union remained frosty, to say the least; it was a supremely shrewd move and, along with Kissinger’s negotiations with the USSR to limit the escalation of the respective nuclear arsenals of the two superpowers, showed him to be a diplomat of outstanding skill. Had that been the extent of Kissinger’s achievements, it’d be a pretty impressive CV; however, there’s also the flipside of Henry Kissinger.
Kissinger is routinely labelled a war criminal, cited as having a casual attitude towards human life if it served as an obstacle to America’s global influence; he often carries the can for the US bombing of Cambodia in the middle of the Vietnam War, for America’s support of Pakistan during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War (when actual war crimes were committed by Pakistan), for US involvement in the bloody 1973 Chilean coup led by General Pinochet that overthrew a democratically-elected government, for America’s support of the military junta that ruled Argentina with noted brutality from 1976 to 1983, for giving the green light to the dictatorship of Zaire as well as the invasion and occupation of East Timor by Indonesia, and for being an effective backseat driver for so many of the dubious military interventions that took place on his watch in the first half of the 1970s. Distanced from them as we are, it’s evident now that these were all pieces on the Cold War chessboard as the Americans and Soviets enacted their power struggle by proxy across the globe, much as Britain and France had during the Napoleonic era. And if innocent lives got in the way of the ideological conflict between communism and capitalism, so be it; they were viewed by both sides as collateral damage.
It is for his significant presence behind the scenes of so many enduringly controversial international disputes that Henry Kissinger has remained such a divisive figure, despite not having held office in government since the inauguration of Jimmy Carter as US President in 1977. Such is the long-term legacy of decisions he endorsed in the countries that encroached onto America’s radar during his time as the world’s most celebrated exponent of ‘shuttle diplomacy’ – and so prominent does his somewhat sinister spectre seem to loom in the background of all of these ongoing tragedies – many refused to allow him to slip away into quiet retirement. Upon visiting Cambodia, American travel writer Anthony Bourdain wrote, ‘Once you’ve been to Cambodia, you’ll never stop wanting to beat Henry Kissinger to death with your bare hands’, whereas Christopher Hitchens went so far as to pen a biography of the man titled ‘The Trial of Henry Kissinger’, in which he argued his subject should be prosecuted ‘for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offences against common or customary or international law’, adding that in his opinion Kissinger was ‘a stupendous liar with a remarkable memory’.
Quite a journey, then, from the Bavarian city of Fürth, where Kissinger was born in 1923 – and not one there were any real indications he would be embarking upon. As a boy, Kissinger was an aspiring footballer – i.e. the version the Americans call soccer – until the 1933 election of Hitler as Chancellor brought in the discriminatory laws barring Jews from participation in such activities. When the laws expanded further, Kissinger’s father was dismissed from his teaching post and the family, like many Jewish ones in Germany at the time, realised their only option was to get out while they still could. After a brief stop-off in London, the ultimate destination was that well-established sanctuary for European refugees, New York. As was traditional, the family initially settled in to a community consisting of people the same as themselves and it was always noticeable that Kissinger never really lost his original accent, despite the fact he quickly regarded himself as American. At the same time, he often credited his ultimate allegiance to his new homeland with the US Army, into which he was drafted in 1943. He distinguished himself in military intelligence and found his Germanic roots came in handy during the Battle of the Bulge, earning his American citizenship the hard way.
After the Second World War, Kissinger resumed his education, excelling in academia at Harvard, where he achieved a Bachelor of Arts; his political career took shape in the early 60s, when he became foreign policy advisor to Nelson Rockefeller during his three unsuccessful bids for the Republican nomination as President, and though he had a less-than high opinion of Richard Nixon when the two first met, Kissinger nevertheless accepted Nixon’s invitation to become his National Security Advisor following his victory in the 1968 Presidential Election. The relationship between the pair quickly developed a closeness that excluded other members of Nixon’s administration, not to mention the likes of the State Department; even if Nixon had an envy of Kissinger’s affable charm, he was smart enough to realise the two shared common ground when it came to both governance of the nation and the enforcement of America’s global position, and he recognised that he had an exceptional enforcer when it came to Kissinger.
If ever one individual could be said to represent the nature of post-war American foreign policy in all its questionable morality, Henry Kissinger certainly fits the bill; even in his role as National Security Advisor, Kissinger appears to have formulated the suspicion and paranoia that has characterised the divide between the US Government and its citizens since the 1970s. His far-reaching influence in the way America governs itself and responds to events beyond its borders is unmatched by any other single figure of the last half-century, including the Presidents he served under and all the ones that have followed. Therefore, his passing – however much his opponents bemoan the fact he evaded taking his seat beside the likes of Slobodan Milošević at The Hague – is worthy of note.
As stated in the opening paragraph, whatever controversies continue to blot the man’s copybook, it’s indisputable that his remarkable rise to power symbolises the endearing American narrative that anyone – no matter how lowly their origins – can go all the way to the very top. The chip that Richard Nixon carried on his shoulder regarding the inherited power and privilege of the Kennedys was a grievance born of the personal struggles that scarred his formative years, yet he still managed to ascend to the highest office in the land. Similarly, few would have earmarked a teenage German immigrant for greatness when he arrived on American shores in the late 30s, but Henry Kissinger showed what can (or could) be achieved in what was once the most egalitarian of democratic societies. As the last member of Nixon’s inner circle to pass away, with him an entire era of American politics recedes into history; the legacy of his career, however, is very much still with us.
© The Editor
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